James Begg and Sectarianism

Matthew Vogan

Sectarianism

The word ‘sectarian’ is not a pleasant one. It frequently accompanies words such as hatred, violence and conflict. It is generally defined as bigotry, discrimination, prejudice or hatred between subdivisions within a group, such as between different denominations of a religion or the factions of a political movement. It is a subject in modern Scotland which generates panic and a lot of heat but not much light. The First Minister was recently attacked for allowing the ‘cancer’ of sectarianism to creep back into Scottish life by discontinuing ‘sectarianism summits’.

Those who have studied the subject carefully, however, have concluded that there is no real evidence of sectarianism in Scotland and that there never has been. The anti-sectarian agenda is entirely based upon heightened perceptions of sectarianism, rather than evidence of it. Scotland is not a sectarian country and the Scottish past was not sectarian in the way that many have claimed it to be. One such scholar, Michael Rosie, has written a book with a telling title The Sectarian Myth in Scotland: Of Bitter Memory and Bigotry.

There is a danger that genuine efforts to distinguish truth from error such as those of the Scottish Reformation Society become seen as sectarian and associated with political or football tribalism. There is no doubt that the Scottish Reformation is under insidious attack. Knox and the Covenanters are studiously ignored or undermined by the history curriculum. They have no public commemoration. This tendency comes not only from the politically correct but also from fellow evangelicals who ought to know better. They avoid making anything of such historic leaders and their testimony for fear of being marginalised. Others are perhaps either ignorant of or indifferent to these things. Distinguishing truth from error is not prejudice or bigotry, however, and it is certainly not discrimination (in the modern pejorative sense of the word)—it is a moral duty.

The language of organisations seeking to combat sectarianism is frequently misinformed regarding these issues. One organisation ‘Nil by Mouth’ states: ‘The history of sectarianism in Scotland is most commonly associated with conflict and prejudices between religions, and especially Catholic and Protestant groups. The Reformation movement of the 15th century (sic) saw Protestantism, a new ‘sect’—or denomination of Christianity—sweep across western Europe.’ What it identifies under the heading of sectarianism can easily be seen by the fact that this organisation seeks to promote ecumenism as a solution to the sectarian problem.

Was James Begg sectarian?

This misguided approach to history tends to hunt down certain historical figures as ‘sectarian’ leaders. There are many errors made in this approach. As Michael Rosie puts it: ‘to find that religion and politics mixed much more in the past is not the same thing as finding sectarianism, nor prejudice, nor bigotry. Rather it is to find that the past was more religious.’ It is not surprising that someone so publicly opposed to the doctrines of Roman Catholicism as James Begg has been singled out for opprobrium. Some have viewed him as evidence of the prevalence of sectarian sentiments, others as eccentric and marginalised in his extreme views. Both are agreed that he was sectarian.

Should Begg, however, be labelled as a sectarian? The question is appropriate, since Begg was so influential on the goals and directions of the Scottish Reformation Society from its inception in 1850. The Society remains upon the same basis now and with the same goals as when it was founded. The circulation of The Bulwark, edited by Begg, was 30,000 in 1852, and in the same year Begg published the standard authoritative work A Handbook of Popery; or, Text-Book of Missions for the Conversion of Romanists, being Papal Rome tested by Scripture, History, and its Recent Workings. This book was especially popular and sold 150,000 copies in his lifetime. This does not suggest a marginalised interest. The proper definition of sectarianism is ‘systematic social discrimination, prejudice, and bigotry’. Begg neither engaged in these nor promoted them. He engaged, rather, in careful application of clear distinctions between truth and error, on the authority of the Scriptures.

Why he was concerned

The background to the establishment of the Scottish Reformation Society was the Papal Aggression affair began in 1850 when Pope Pius IX issued an order setting up an episcopal hierarchy for England for the first time since the sixteenth century. There was national outrage at a pastoral letter inaugurating the hierarchy which was issued by the new Cardinal and Archbishop Nicholas Wiseman. The threat contained in this letter was not even thinly veiled. Wiseman, of the most extreme variety of Romanists, wrote of the Church returning to England as rightful governor of the people, restoring the kingdom to its proper place in the papal orbit. Opposition was so strong that even the Prime Minister had a letter published in The Times condemning the aggression. All the main denominations organised themselves with alarm.

There was much need to monitor the threat of this aggression and the Scottish Reformation Society was only one of a number of Protestant associations formed. The sociologists Steve Bruce, Tony Glendinning, Iain Paterson, and Michael Rosie in their book Sectarianism in Scotland write that, given Romanist opposition to democracy and their treatment of Protestants, Begg’s ‘assessment of the ambitions of the Catholic Church was a reasonable reading of their own pronouncements.’ It is true that opposition to Romanism cooled somewhat amongst Protestants as the century proceeded but Rome itself remained the same.

His motivation in opposing Romanism

Begg’s concern was for the souls of men. He had concern for the souls of the adherents of Romanism. In Romanism, ‘everything which would lead the soul to Christ was either completely denied or destructively perverted.’ He had no prejudice against individual Romanists but rather laboured to have them evangelised with the truth. He had concern for the souls of his countrymen who were not Romanists but also needed to be evangelised. He trembled also for the ark and the cause of God: ‘the triumph of Popery is the downfall of spiritual Christianity, the end of freedom, and perdition of all that is dear to us as men and Christians.’ He also had a concern for the temporal wellbeing of believers; for instance in the compassionate ministry of assisting Protestants in Spain and Italy who were victims of persecution.

As a person, Begg was no excitable tub-thumper in the way that many historians would like to assume. As one writer from his time described him: ‘he is no son of thunder, but of mild aspect, small and regular features, and of gentle and timid manner...When he commences to preach he speaks slowly and distinctly...His teaching is more didactic than rhetorical...He is emphatically a teacher, and never condescends to the declamatory.’

His methods in opposing Romanism

Begg sought to combat the rapid growth of Romanism, in terms of influence and numbers, solely by means of the gospel and by education. He did not seek to foster enmity against Roman Catholics as individuals but hoped that every true Protestant would become an educated hater of Popery as a system. Begg did not use the term ‘Popery’ as a term of abuse. He was aware that Catholics objected to the use of ‘Papist’ and ‘Romanist’, but he explained that no insult was intended, because both terms implied truths that Romanists themselves clearly accepted: ‘Papist’ implied subjection to the Pope, while ‘Romanist’ implied adherence to the doctrines of Roman Catholicism. Begg was careful in his language and as his biographer notes: ‘although he wrote most uncompromising articles, and published in every issue equally uncompromising ones by others, and although the Romanists were constantly on the watch, they never found an opportunity of bringing one action of libel against him.’

In pursuit of the goal of education, the Society sponsored lectures, courses and essay contests. It also published and distributed thousands of pamphlets and issues of The Bulwark. Begg’s key goal was ‘regular instruction in the doctrinal differences between Popery and Protestantism, in the arguments which the former urges in support of her claims, and in the proper refutation of these arguments, that [Protestants] may not be found unarmed and unprepared when assailed by their adversaries.’

His message for today

James Begg’s message is not a sectarian one. It is simply a call to preserve and promote the gospel of the Reformation which is the true Scriptural gospel, and to defend it against false gospels. Begg’s worst fears are clearly witnessed in our own day. Romanism is set to overtake an apostate Protestantism in our nation. What is the comparison between the Papal Aggression crisis and the Act of Settlement crisis in our own day? The latter constitutional protection is outrightly attacked as ‘institutional sectarianism.’ Yet where are the voices of alarm and witnessing on the side of the truth? Begg gives us a clear message in the warnings that he gave to his contemporaries: ‘I have, in one sense, no fear for the cause of God. Neither, in one sense, have I any fear for the cause of Protestantism. In one sense, God will plead His own cause. But He may do it in such a way as to remove the Gospel from us, because we despised our privileges, which He may give to other lands that will bring forth the fruits thereof. The crisis is truly urgent.’

It seemed strange to Begg in his day that there is ‘the worst of causes in Popery; but then there is energy, system, sacrifice, and untiring devotedness in promoting it. On the other hand, we have the best of causes, the very cause of God, in Protestantism. But there is no system, little unity, the most paltry sacrifices, when the magnitude of the object is considered, and a constant and apparently irresistible tendency to go to sleep...’ Begg saw the opportunity for action but he also predicted the state of affairs that has followed in the last 150 years where Romanism has risen to triumph:

‘If the Christians of this country could only understand one another, and act together; if true Protestants were placed in the van of this great battle, in Parliament and elsewhere; if, instead of paltry and peddling debates, we could get the whole country educated; if the old system of scriptural catechising were everywhere resumed by the ministers,—if all this were accompanied by willing contributions for important Protestant objects, and by a humble trust in the omnipotence of God, I should have no doubt of immediate, as I have none of ultimate, victory. But if we are to suffer the present state of matters to continue we may rest assured that the triumph of Popery in Britain is merely a question of time. ‘Deliverance will arise from another quarter’, and Babylon shall without doubt ultimately fall. But God may resolve, in the meantime, to be avenged on a cowardly and degenerate race, unworthy of those noble ancestors who shed their blood like water to secure for them an unfettered press, a free pulpit, and an open Bible, by letting them feel the evil of which they refuse to be warned.’

Finally, there is a searching personal challenge for all of us in Begg’s call to action and prayer. ‘Where are those to be found who, not totally engrossed with their fleeting interests and vanishing pleasures, have some leisure, some feeling left, for the welfare of Zion? Is it not for this, first of all, that our prayers should ascend, even for such communications of the life-giving Spirit of Grace as would imbue us with a heart-felt concern, an earnest affection, and a pious activity in the cause of religion.’

This article first appeared in The Bulwark July-Sept 2008

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